And Why Does it Matter? Marvin Wachman was a great advocate for educating young people. In a distinguished academic career, he served as president of both Temple University and Lincoln University and led the Foreign Policy Research Institute as president from to December marked the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Soviet Union.

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Both dates give reason to reexamine the history of Eurasia, a vast region with many ethnic groups and multiple religions, at times united under authoritarian governments, at other times divided between dozens of countries. For information about FPRI, or to reach one of our scholars for an interview or comment, please contact:. Vish Sakthivel is a Robert A. Fox Fellow at FPRI. She is also a PhD candidate at Oxford University and has recently returned from a year-long fieldwork trip in Algeria.

The three countries that comprise the Maghreb region — Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia — are bound by important cultural, linguistic, and economic ties, and by a shared history of French occupation. As for the United States, engagement since decolonization has focused on building new economic, inter-cultural, military, and political ties, and collaborating on international diplomatic efforts of mutual interest.

Algeria, for its part, has remained a behemoth in regional mediation while its changing internal politics has received minimal attention. Morocco has remained a steadfast ally and has ramped up its counterterror cooperation while presenting some human rights conundrums to U. While for years, the U. First, Washington viewed the region through the prism of the Cold War, which cast Morocco and Tunisia as allies while Algeria, as leader of the non-aligned movement, was viewed with suspicion.

After September 11, the U. Security cooperation became another axis through which Morocco and Tunisia expressed their eagerness to engage the U. Undemocratic governance in all three regimes was overlooked in favor of stability and counter-terrorism CT efforts; reform efforts and political liberalization have historically been and remain secondary to this. While stability and counterterror have continued to trump reform, democratization and human rights in the U.

Perceived as implacable and unknowable, and flanked by two diplomatic darlings, Algeria is generally neglected and treated on a need-to-know basis. These differences have served as persistent challenges to crafting a holistic approach to the region and have led successive U.

The relationship between the U. Inthen-presidential candidate John F. Algeria also supported major U. Its mediation was invaluable in releasing the U. In Africa, Algeria has likewise mediated between Ethiopia and Eritrea; between the Malian Government and its Touareg separatists, brokering the Algiers Accords in ; and plays a generally large role in the African Union AU —a body to which the U.

Moreover, Algeria has slowly risen in importance in terms of U. Particularly with the rise of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb AQIMal-Murabitoun, the Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa MUJAOAnsar ad-Din, Boko Haram, and various fringes pledging allegiance to ISIS throughout the Maghreb and the Sahel, the relationship with Algeria has renewed importance. Generally, however, unlike with Morocco and Tunisia, relations between the U.

Some fundamental principles underlying Algerian foreign policy often put it at odds with that of the United States. Where Algeria is suspicious of American hegemonic interests in the region, the U. Algeria remains guarded, again unlike Morocco and Tunisia, about the extent to which it welcomes U. The Algerian military and intelligence apparatus—both powerful and reportedly omnipresent—is known to be less-than-enthusiastic than those of its neighbors regarding an American presence in its territory.

Its reliance on oil rents bolsters this belief that it need not accommodate foreign interests to the extent of its oil-poor neighbors, whose domestic and foreign policies are often shaped by aid conditionality and a general reliance on favorable economic and political relations with Western powers.

The Algerian regime is interested in keeping radical Islamism at bay, and in maintaining stability through a degree of continuity due in part to its own recent history of terrorism and violent internal conflict. These interests align with those of the U. The former is evidenced by cooperation in the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership TSCTP and the Flintlock joint military exercises, [5] which sees Algerian participation in a regional military cooperation program organized by the U.

Indeed, its misgivings about any Western presence within the Algerian territory are part of a mindset that goes beyond the state apparatus and affects the citizenry as well.

Nowadays, however, one can detect a thaw in attitudes toward the U. Seeing that its lack of economic diversification is unsustainable, the Algerian government is aware it must alter its course and its engagement with economic powers. Indeed, the history of close U. Morocco especially enjoys a positive reliable forex brokers in singapore in Washington due to its shrewd and pointed soft-diplomacy efforts.

Even in the realm of cultural exchange, Algeria is slowly but surely coming around; in Augustthe U. Embassy inaugurated the long-awaited American International Stock options brasil in Algiers. Moreover, Algeria and the U. Inthe Bush administration designated Algeria a beneficiary for duty-free treatment per the Generalized System of Preferences GSP.

Algeria has earned the reputation of the sleepy giant, if not because of any real inertia, then due to an opacity to American observers and a seemingly underwhelming amount of U. Protest movements and contentious politics around the region have received renewed attention in recent years, as the uprisings changed the landscape of political contestation across the Middle East and North Africa MENA. The otherwise robust discussions on the changing nature of contemporary movements in the MENA region, changing civil society attitudes, and the implications for governance in the region and for U.

During his nomination for Commander of the U. Africa Command AFRICOMGeneral David Rodriguez noted:.

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As such, I view Algeria as stock options brasil regional leader, capable of coordinating the efforts of the Sahelian countries to address foreign forex brokers in india security threats. Algeria shares our concerns with the situation in northern Mali. Their knowledge of conditions on the ground in northern Mali is best new forex robot to the U.

To ensure continued Algerian cooperation on northern Mali, any military solution must be United Nations authorized, internationally supported, and use African forces […] I would continue to encourage Algerian regional leadership through regional exercise and conference participation, senior leadership engagement and high-level bilateral dialogues. He went on to hail Algerian military and intelligence data entry work at home without investment in indore and its ability to severely degrade terrorist capabilities domestically and at its borders.

A second challenge is in democracy promotion. Knowing its limits in a country averse to foreign intercession, U.

Understanding the societies and political cultures of countries with whom we work is crucial for formulating informed foreign policy. This is where U. He reveled in his position as a broker for pro-U. Yet to this day, the kingdom tends to play all rune factory 3 easy money cards: Morocco has recently cozied up to China, an expression of this diplomatic opportunism which some in U.

While this has boosted already-warm relations between the two countries, it is not without critics on the domestic scene, especially among labor interests who question the extent to which Moroccans are benefiting. Morocco has also determined to make itself indispensable in the U. King Mohammed VI collaborates closely with U. Anyoption is binary options trading signals a scamMorocco was rewarded with designation as a Major Non-NATO Ally.

More recently, Morocco has hoped to add value to U. As I have argued beforethe fruits of these efforts are yet to be reaped and have other motivations as well. Moreover, it is not clear the extent to which peddling this state-led religious discourse can take root and be popular in the most problematic parts of Morocco, in particular in the urban margins where foreign fighter recruitment tends to be high.

Some of the hiccups in U. Morocco responded by making clear that under no circumstance would it allow monitors into the territory and cancelled the regular joint-military exercises, leading the U. Morocco has behaved similarly toward the EU and its member states like the U.

For both the U. Successive UN efforts to resolve the situation have floundered, with all proposals from partial autonomy to a temporary full autonomy leading to referendum, rejected by all sides [7] Morocco, the Polisario Front, [8] and Algeria.

The impasse over the Western Sahara continues to serve as one of the biggest obstacles to counterterror cooperation and improved economic relations among the Maghreb states. This issue remains a key challenge for U. Instability in other parts of the region make gradualism, as opposed to set selected item in dropdown jquery regime change, appealing for the United States.

Indeed inMorocco had its own protests. The pro-democracy movement, known as the February 20 Movement, or M20, called for more transfer of power from the king to parliament. Combined with the tightly managed media and imagery surrounding the king and keeping him above the fray, grievances of the Moroccan populace, which resemble those of citizens across the region, have not translated into contempt for the monarch.

Upwards of 3, Moroccans have joined ISIS sinceand Morocco now faces the added challenge of a closer ISIS hub, Libya.

Like Algeria and Tunisia, Moroccan mosques are tightly monitored and administered by the Ministry of Religious Affairs, and religious education is controlled and is uniform nationwide.

But in spite of far-reaching research, causes remain as yet too variant and diverse, even contradictory, thus difficult to pin down and address.

Instead, robust research on prison de-radicalization, successful models of extremist reintegration, and the specific conditions in Morocco producing this high number of ISIS recruits might be a better use of resources. Inthe United States concluded its first agreement of friendship and trade with Tunisia, and established the first American consulate in Tunis in These generally good relations with Tunisia over the decades have had moments of strain.

Convinced Israel could not have carried out so precise a strike, he accused the U. To be sure, at this time, the U. During the Ben Ali period, the U.

The regime would not tolerate counsel or critique, external or domestic, using the law enforcement apparatus to control society and crush dissent. Attention paid to Tunisia has thus surged since the uprisings, where its anti-government protests in December toppled this regime, and catalyzed regime change in the region.

From occasionally strained but friendly, stable, and primarily trade-focused—with Tunisia doing the majority of its trading with the U. Although to be sure, Ennahda has been reticent about reform initiatives. Like other Islamists in the region, concerns were primarily regarding foreign sponsorship, informed by perceptions that reforms were not domestically-conceived, but dictated by American strategic interests.

Some in the U.

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Ultimately, however, the U. Sincethe U. Security cooperation was further expanded after Tunisia suffered swelling extremist violence starting inwhen the U. The War on Terror has thus become somewhat of a two-way street in the relationship with Tunisia, with improved relations ironically hinging on increased bouts of terror in the new democracy. In Novemberthe U. The evolution of political Islam in Tunisia has provided analysts and policymakers new paradigms and policy options in thinking about Islamist forces.

Debates have raged in U. Most recently, the Tunisian government has been mired in political impasse and the growing pains of a fledging democracy with few resources to support it. His removal and the search for a cabinet compounded delays in responding to public calls to improve service-provision, rectify regional inequality southern economic disenfranchisement is a perennial problem in all three Maghreb countriesjob creation, and improved security.

And there is arguably little the U. Unlike American senators and congressmen, Tunisian MPs lack the staff and programmatic support required to allow them to focus on legislation.

Moreover, because its democracy is so new, many MPs simply lack the training required to legislate, another potential area of support on the part of the U.

As ofTunisia is important to the U. First, Tunisian foreign fighters to Iraq and Syria constitute one of the largest contingents to the region today, numbering between 6, and 7, Moreover, while Tunisian emigration to ISIS swells and thereby threatens U. Second, in a conundrum many regimes face—balancing tight security with civil liberties—the U. Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia each present similar challenges to U. We are likely to continue our policy of rhetorical support for democracy and better governance and to adhere to assistance through MEPI and USAID programs, while giving the greatest support to those countries that back our counterterror efforts.

A Russian arms purchase or a handshake with China is not a shirking of U. Given that the relationships offer a specific exchange of spoils, there is no need to expect an all-or-nothing alliance.

Moreover, this logic assumes that we are the only two axes through which the Maghreb engages globally, while the giant in Maghrebi foreign policy is the EU, owing to deep economic ties, migration policy, and the Maghrebi diaspora. Finally, while the major U. Because of the key differences outlined in this essay, the U. The Foreign Policy Research Institute, founded inis a non-partisan, non-profit c 3 organization devoted to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the development of policies that advance U.

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Saturday, October 21, - Oct 21, What is Eurasia?

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For information about FPRI, or to reach one of our scholars for an interview or comment, please contact: Gilman Director of Administration and Development ext. E-Notes Taking Stock of U. Policy Options in Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia Vish Sakthivel.

She is also a doctoral candidate in Modern Middle East Studies at Oxford University, Read More. Related program s Program on the Middle East.